From the Qiang Barbarians to the Qiang Nationality

I recently enjoyed reading an essay by Ming-ke Wang of Academia Sinica in a collection of essays called Imagining China: Regional Division and National Unity on the development of the ethnic identity of the Qiang 羌 people. In the essay, “From the Qiang Barbarians to the Qiang Nationality: The Making of a New Chinese Boundary” Wang “shows how the Qiang people developed into an ethnic identity but also how the geographical and ethnic concept of Qiang changed in the eyes of the Han peoples as a part of their changing ethnic boundaries throughout their history.” This may sound rather dull but Wang’s makes a fascinating move in showing how these two processes overlapped. The Qiang, which are now one of 55 recognized “nationalities” in China, with a population of about 220,000, have connected themselves historically to the much broader Han historical category which until very recently referred to a broad range of ethnic groups classified as barbarians on China’s periphery. While I can think of a few other potential examples, this is a nice twist on a common theme in the formation of national identity. Instead of linking itself to an empire, a language, an island, etc. that could help the newborn Qiang nationality to distinguish itself from some Other, the Qiang nationality was born out Han China’s own “Other.” The fact that there was no linguistically, culturally, or even geographically consistent historical community which corresponded to what the Han called the Qiang is, like all formations of national identity from Norwegians to Japanese, pretty much irrelevant.

According to Wang, from the late Han to the Ming periods, the concept of the Qiang was something close to “those people in the west who are not one of us” and included a huge range of people along eastern edges of Tibetan Plateau. Over time, the Chinese empires would come to classify these peoples into smaller and smaller distinct groups and those who were called the Qiang by the the Han shifted (linguistically, not physically) further and further to the West until this bumped into Tibetan cultural communities that the Chinese categorized as the Fan 番. Ultimately, the Qiang ended up being the small group of mountain dwellers in the small geographic area they occupy today (the upper Min River Valley).

While the group of people who ended up being called the Qiang mostly speak (or now identify with) a language in the Tibeto-Burman language family, like Chinese, their dialects are very varied (Wang notes their proverb, “our language cannot go far.”) Until very recently, this group of people, which in Chinese terms stabilized linguistically in the late-Qing, mostly didn’t know they had been classified as the Qiang. Apparently, before the 1950s they only knew that people down-river called them Manzi 蛮子 (barbarians). Wang also notes that while many of these communities had almost identical “ways of subsistence, daily life, religion, and language. (Chinese of Sichuan dialect)” before the 1970s they would classify themselves as Han and people upstream as Manzi.

Meanwhile, however, the Chinese and foreign visiting anthropologists of the 20th century were busy searching for the essence of the Qiang people. Some Reverend named Thomas Torrance thought the Qiang were monotheists and descendants of the Israelites. (60) Chinese scholars later joined in but, “Even though they failed to find a normative Qiang culture, their attempts to do so, and the data they recorded in these quests, have reinforced the concept of the Qiang nationality both for the Han and the natives.” In more recent times, especially into the 1980s, the benefits of being one of China’s declared minority nationalities meant that many would jump at the opportunity to identify themselves as Qiang while they earlier would have whipped out genealogical records to prove their Han ancestry. With government approval, they designed a writing system, compiled a dictionary, and embroidery, which they probably picked up from the Han or Tibetans, was proclaimed their national hallmark. (69) A linear history of their people, based on the Han definition of the Qiang as it shifted over time was adopted, and “Qiang literati built up their self-image as the strongest opponents of the Han….a historical role as the Han’s brother and savior has also been constructed.” (71)

Wang says, “In the study of history of nations, explanations for the formation of a nation usually take one of two forms: “how did the past create the present?” or “how did the present create the past?” (73) to which his own interesting story of the Qiang shows how the two can overlap. “My own opinion falls in between because the meaning of the history of the Qiang is twofold: it is a history of a minority nationality, and also a history of the Chinese in respect to boundary formation and changes….if we consider the history of the Qiang as a process of formation, expansion and change of Chinese boundaries…this chapter illustrates how the past created the present, and underlines the continuity of this history. However, the most important past that created the present Han-Qiang relations is obviously not what really happened on the Qiang side, but how Chinese thought about their ethnic boundaries through the concept of the Qiang.”

Early Postwar Reconciliation with China

On Monday I joined my friend Jaehwan to hear a presentation by Daqing Yang, a professor of George Washington University whose work I’m very fond of. His presentation, on Japan’s early postwar relations with China through the perspective of reconciliation studies started with two questions: Did the “history problem” between Japan and China exist before 1982 (the first textbook controversy)? and Did Japanese work for reconciliation with China after the war? Yang argued yes on both accounts. He concludes that Japan achieved “thin reconciliation” or a very limited reconciliation but was reservedly optimistic that future efforts to expand efforts at reconciliation between Japan and China can be achieved by shifting the emphasis from inter-governmental to inter-societal exchanges.
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Celebrating the 1911 Revolution in China

Once or twice a week I work part time at the Oriental Library (東洋文庫), mostly doing English editing and occasional small bits of translation from Chinese or Japanese. I spend most of my time helping edit a collection of previously published English essays by the author Etô Shinkichi, who was my own Professor Hirano’s mentor. In one of his essays I was working on today, on the Chinese revolution of 1911, Professor Etô discusses the historiography related to the period and contrasts the “modern detached positivists” who “try to minimize overt political assessment in their research” to the deeply political Marxist historiography of the revolution after 1949.
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How to gain 5-8 Pounds of Healthy “Stay There” Fat

I have been looking through some old English-language newspapers in Japan from 1915 (more on this later). I found an interesting advertisement/article on page three of the April 7th issue of The Japan Gazette. Despite the proximity to April 1st (both now and in that daily newspaper), considering some of the strange advertisements I saw in other issues, I can’t tell if it is a joke. I don’t think it can be protected by copyright anymore so I reproduce the whole article here:

How Thin People Can Put On Flesh

A New Discovery Thin men and women – that big, hearty, filling dinner you ate last night. What became of all the fat-producing nourishment it contained? You haven’t gained in weight one ounce. That food passed from your body like unburned coal through an open grate. The material was there, but your food doesn’t work and stick, and the plain truth is you hardly get enough nourishment from your meals to pay for the cost of cooking. This is true of thin folks the world over. Your nutritive organs, your functions of assimilation, are sadly out of gear and need reconstruction.

Cut out the foolish foods and funny sawdust diets. Omit the flesh cream rub-ons. Cut out everything but the meals you are eating now and eat with every one of those a single Sargol tablet. In two weeks note the difference. Five to eight good solid pounds of healthy, “stay there” fat should be the net result. Sargol charges your weak, stagnant blood with millions of fresh new red blood corpuscles – gives the blood the carrying power to deliver every ounce of fat-making material in your food to every part of your body. Sargol, too, mixes with your food and prepares it for the blood in easily assimilated form. Thin people gain all the way from 10 to 25 pounds a month while taking Sargol, and the new flesh put on stays. Sargol tablets are a scientific combination of six of the best flesh-producing elements known to chemistry. They come 40 tablets to a package, are pleasant, harmless and inexpensive, and North & Rae, Ltd., and other druggists in Yokohama sell them.

55 Days at Peking

I watched the old movie “55 Days at Peking” starring the National Rifle Association’s dear leader Charlton Heston. The movie is an account the Boxer rebellion in China in 1900, but specifically of the valiant defense of the foreign legations by a divisive group of Great Power diplomats and soldiers from around June 20th, when a German minister was killed by Boxers, to August 14th, when Allied forces take control of the city.

The movie was full of blanket stereotypes, weird music (presumably to give it a Chinese feel) and western actors speaking in a mechanical tone of voice to help us believe they are the Empress Dowager and her followers. Nothing more or less than common for a movie of its time.

To its credit, the Westerners don’t come across completely untarnished. In the first few minutes we hear some disgruntled Chinese say, “Different nations say the same thing, ‘We want China.'” The audience is also asked to respect the Chinese as Charlton Heston reminds his US soldiers, “This is a highly cultured civilization so don’t get any idea that you are any better than these people just because they can’t speak English.” It doesn’t help though that the next scene has Heston trying to save a Western missionary from torture and execution at the hand of Boxer rebels (who for some reason all seem to wave banners saying “Beijing” 北京 and “the capital” 京都). When he tries to buy the life of the missionary, our hero explains that the greedy capitalist Chinese will sell anything at a price.

Our American hero, as is often the case in these movies (and in reality?), is an impatient, aloof, but thoroughly seasoned warrior who doesn’t have time for the subtleties of diplomacy (that is left to the British ambassador). He only knows bravery, duty, and action and he gets very angry at the British ambassador when told that killing the Empress Dowager might not be a good way to resolve the crisis. I could see his eyes totally flashing, “Dude! But she’s like, EVIL!” More below…
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Shanghai in August 1945

You pick up the most circulated newspaper in Shanghai on August 15th, 1945, the day of Japan’s surrender. What do you see? Well, the news of the surrender hasn’t made it for the day’s issue. Instead, in the days leading up to the end of the war the newspaper focuses on the Russian advances in Manchuria, or the arrival of B29 bombers attacking Japanese targets in China. Of course, you still see the usual advertisements for CPC Coffee, and various brands of penicillin. But how will the newspaper change in the next few days as Japan’s control over Shanghai comes to an end? While this wasn’t a question related to my research, it was at the back of my mind as I skimmed through an important Shanghai newspaper called 申報 from the second half of the year 1945.

I have become a big fan of the 郭廷以 library next to the Institute of Modern History at Academia Sinica (中央研究院) See my English entry about it on my reference wiki for more information. Pretty much anyone can use the library without any membership or introductions, and its stacks are open for browsing. Their collection of history related materials is great and includes a lot of Japanese and English materials as well as Taiwanese and mainland China sources. On this trip to Taiwan I have started looking at early postwar newspapers to get a preliminary look at how Chinese traitors (collaborators, or 漢奸) are portrayed. For now, I’m concentrating on the period of 1945 to say 1948, by which time most of the trials of 漢奸 had finished up. I was only able to get a start on this project this time. Also, newspapers (and “traitors” in China) are only a first stop, but hey, I haven’t even started my PhD program yet.

I have to say though, the leaning over musty (ok, they aren’t musty, but try to get in the mood with me here) volumes of old newspaper collections has so far been a lot of fun. Today I took a little extra time to jot down some notes on things I found interesting in Shenbao issues just after the fall of Japan. Read on if you think advertisements for cosmetics, candy and movies from 1945 can actually be interesting.
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102 Former Soldiers in Nanjing, 1937

I went on a used book buying spree last week, finally blocking off some time to roam the stores near Waseda’s campus one afternoon. One book I snapped up was a cheap copy of the normally $60 oral history book 『南京戦:閉ざされた記憶を尋ねて』edited by 松岡環 (Matsuoka Tamaki). The book is part of a series of new Japanese books coming out which is methodically publishing vast amounts of primary materials on the Nanjing Massacre. Don’t read this posting if you are squeamish. I believe the books are associated with a group of historians who are disgusted by the revisionist nationalist scholars who once completely denied that anything horrible happened at the fall of Nanjing and now still claim that there was nothing out of the ordinary by the standard of modern warfare. While mainstream Japanese historians, along with the rest of the world, recognize that the fall of Nanjing was followed by an unusually horrible amount of slaughter and rape, I think most of them are tired of playing games with the revisionists and thereby sustaining the idea that there is some controversy worth debating. Rather than engaging them in futile debates, this particular group of historians seems focused on getting as much raw data as possible into print. The two newest books that I have seen are a collection of statements by Chinese witnesses of the massacre (which of course, the revisionists dismiss as liars or government stooges) and the volume I purchased collecting the statements of the soldiers themselves.

I have only skimmed through the book and read completely through only a few of the statements (the contents is powerful enough to make a person physically ill after a few pages) but I think that the testimony included in the book (assuming you ignore all of the Chinese witnesses and their version of the horror) is definitely conclusive on two aspects of the savagery beginning in December of 1937 1) Organized Slaughter of Chinese Men and Soldiers and 2) Completely Unrestrained Sexual Violence. What you don’t see in the book is the more simplified and generic image of the massacre in which there was just an uncontrolled slaughter of men, women and children by crazed soldiers. The book does mention the killing of women and children on occasion, but the vast majority of soldier’s testimony is on the organized slaughter of men, and the hunting of women for rape. These two themes are summed up by one of the soldiers, “Killing men, raping women – this is what you learn in the army.” 「男を殺し、女を徴発するのは兵隊の習いや」(269)
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“Weaving Resistance: The Days of the ‘Report from South Korea'”

Together with my friends Jens and Youngsoo I spent a chunk of this past Saturday afternoon at ICU for an event which ended up being broadly related to modern Korea. There were two main speakers, 池明観 who anonymously wrote the “Report from South Korea” for 『世界』 magazine from 1973 until 1988 under the alias “T. K.” and a second talk by 坂本義和, an apparently well-known professor at Tokyo University. The main event was presumably to hear 池明観 reflect on his writing about Korea during the period of military dictatorship but I found it to be a rambling discussion which was something of a combination of a review of modern Korean history and his own random reflections. I slept rather soundly through the middle half of his talk so it is possible it got better then.

Professor Sakamoto’s talk was much better…
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The National Museum of Japanese History

I got off my nocturnal schedule and left early to visit the national museum of Japanese history outside of Chiba. I added an entry about the museum on my reference wiki. The grounds for the museum are on the old site of Sakura castle and it is surrounded by a very charming park. I ended up spending much less time than I expected I would and was able to go through its five large fixed galleries depicting various periods and themes in Japanese history in only a few hours. On the one hand I was impressed at how well done and clean the presentation of many things were. However, in the end, I was really disappointed to see how little attention modern Japan was given.

To be sure, the museum focuses a lot on folk culture, art, and many of the areas of Japanese history that students might not get to read about in detail in their textbooks. I actually thought it was refreshing that, while the museum was ordered roughly in chronological order, there was no silly march through Japan’s convoluted political history from one end of the museum to the other. There were interesting sections talking about the history of printing, on mountain farming techniques, images of monsters and spirits, and lots of huge models of villages, boats, and the houses of each period. Still, however, I was perplexed that the entire Showa period (1929-1989) was absent from the museum. This can’t be entirely explained by a desire to avoid portraying Japan’s most troublesome historical period. For example, the museum had an excellent audio/visual presentation on the Great Kantô Earthquake which clearly emphasized the horrible slaughter of thousands of Koreans in its aftermath. Yet, when we get to the end of the Taishô period, where the gallery focused on the rise of women’s magazines and movie theaters, I suddenly found myself at the exit of the gallery. There, a single section of a wall with a rather boring set of a dozen pictures of average Japanese comprised all that there was for the Showa period. It was labelled, “Snapshots of Japan during and just after the Pacific War”. I tried to picture what message the board was sending to the visitor. The only impression I was left with looking at these pictures was that everyone seemed very busy.

One possible explanation for the glaring absence of this period is that the Showa Memorial museum can be found in downtown Tokyo and the museum thus felt that there was no need for a whole exhibit focusing on the period. However, as I already mentioned, that exhibit focuses almost entirely on the daily life and experience of Japanese during this period, and essentially leaves untouched any portrayal of the tumultuous events and other changes which were going on in these decades of national mobilization and war. That only leaves only the Yushukan museum and its frighteningly revisionist narrative to tell the story of Japan’s difficult 20th century on a macroscopic level. There must be another museum that I have neglected. If I find it, I’ll post about it here.

The State of “Joint Study” of the Sino-Japanese War

I had the honor of serving as tea lady again for the Sino-Japanese History study group. Today was a special round-table of Chinese and Japanese scholars working on research of the Sino-Japanese War, beginning with a speech by 張海鵬 who is the 中国社会科学院近代史研究所所長 and followed by other Japanese and Chinese scholars making their own ten minute comments on the state of joint research in the field. As my own professor 平野先生 pointed out in his wrap up of the whole event, the keyword for this round-table was without a doubt 「率直」 (frankness, directness) which everyone agreed was something needed in their joint research of this sensitive historical period. I was surprised to notice a lot of mention of some of the more prickly questions in historiography that I felt are buried in the research I have seen from the group so far.
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